THE HISTORY-MAKING 1980s
What is written below encapsulates my feelings and sentiments at the time of the history-making 1980s and my involvement in our ‘struggle’ in particular the years 1983-84.
Dedicated: to the Sheffield AYM
“…The struggle in the years 1983-84, had been years of amazing affinity, empathy and feelings of heartfelt mutual respect and understanding. This was in fact a moving force in Sheffield. This inspired the many campaigns and struggles of the Black community locally and nationally, and around the country as whole. The experiences of the Sheffield Asian Youth Movement (SAYM) during this period was significant, in creating an atmosphere that brought out a feeling of togetherness, commitment, comradeship, oneness and unity between all who felt the struggle. If, for instance a member in the group disagreed (dissent) with another comrade over very minor/trivial political or personal point, it was of paramount importance to us to resolve this situation dialectically, rather than ‘agreeing to disagree’.
All of us felt the struggle, no matter what are oppressors did, (be it the local council, central state or police) we knew that our time will come as far as leading the fight-back against racism which had been whipped up around us. Many a meeting the words “Feeling the Struggle” – ‘commitment’ to the organisation and to our communities continued to be echoed.
The nights of banner designing, making, delivering and sticking up (fly posting) of leaflets by some members in the group, we called ‘our new urban guerrillas’ waging a lone battle against exploitation and oppression, which is continually affecting Black people globally.
It was during this phase, more than at any other time, that we were starting to feel more than just anger and resentment, but a sense of dignity and pride was beginning to shine through everything we did. Day or night we would drive through the streets of Sheffield, in its inner-city areas with a ‘Ghetto-blaster’ playing reggae song in the background that denoted our resistance to local state (county & local council) inducements by way of offering us jobs in the system. Songs with lyrics like: “Babylon putting on the pressure”; “Days of Slavery”; “Black Liberation”; So much trouble and “Natural Mystic” etc. to name a few. These sounds/tunes became our themes during those days-months and even years of this you’re our emphatic struggle that came to life!
Therefore, it was not surprising, every time one of these tunes played out we knew exactly what was going through the minds of our other comrades, without uttering a single word; yet, the expressions on our faces said it all, in terms of the spirit/feeling at those unforgettable moment in our ‘collective struggle’, which have now become precious moments in history…" Matloub Husayn Ali Khan, December, 1986.
The key-role the year 1984 had played in local, national and international struggles and which included the British Miners strike and its role during this historical period were emphasised at a National ex-Asian Youth Movement (AYMs) members re-union in Bradford during July 2004. The issue of the Rushdie affair late 1988 and early 1989 split the left activists and caused them to have an ‘identity crisis’ and the backlash against Muslims from 1989 was further endorsed by United States after 9/11 atrocities in 2001.
Despite the victory the SAYM went ahead with March to show solidarity with Anti-Deportation case involving of its members: Ranjit Chakravorty. With this demonstration and the broad spectrum of support and with black and white skinheads carrying banners (a sight not repeated elsewhere except Sheffield). Hence Sheffield Asian Youth Movement was born.
Prior to 1982-83, the fight against racism and fascism was organised by the mainstream organisations like Sheffield Campaign against Racism (SCAR) and the Anti-Nazi League (ANL) in Sheffield infiltrated the National Front and exposed the dangers of Fascism. Two years prior, a visit by members of Bradford Asian Youth Movement (BAYM) at Coleridge Youth Centre (Attercliffe Youth (786) Club) on 12th October 1980, shared their experiences of racism and discussed the need for an organisation or setting up of a BAYM type group in Sheffield. This convinced me to get involved in the setting up an AYM in Sheffield and I left SCAR in 1982:
“I remember coming across Raj a few times, and Mukhtar who came up in 1982. I never met them but they were more involved in the Bradford Support Group, people like Sultan in 81 and 80…so when these meetings happened, there were youth workers…’cos I was a youth worker in 82, I was a volunteer from 1979, I was a voluntary youth worker … I was working in engineering, doing this as unpaid work. At the same time, I was working in SCAR. I think SCAR was a more oriented towards the trade union movement …I think they were a paper organization… you can affiliate and I think they didn’t do much… it wasn’t a… combative organization, that’s what the AYM was… and I left Scar --- once I got involved in AYM.”
The above quote from my interview about SCAR vs AYM and why I got involved can be heard on the Tandana, the glowworm website.
The next few years brought further cases of restaurant and taxi-drivers being arrested for defending themselves against racial violence and abuse. This culminated in many campaigns against police harassment, i.e.; The national campaigns involving the Newham 7 & 8 and local campaigns involving Zafar, Page Hall Three, Mohammed Iqbal and the following campaigns were organised by the Sheffield Defence Campaign (SDC): Sheffield Five (Honeyford Five) and Taj Mahal Three and which later known as Anti-Imperialist Action (AIC). Majority of the cases were brought before the courts in Sheffield by the South Yorkshire Police and were won due to the Sheffield AYM and other genuine anti-racist groups like SDC, AIC and other individuals unrelenting dedication to the cause of combating racism and police inaction on racial attacks.
This growing militancy produced problems for both the traditional Muslim leadership and for the British state. While refusing to accept racism, the new layer of activists also rejected many of the dominant religious and cultural values. A local Muslim community leader, later on said: ‘our children were growing up hating our culture. They were angry and withdrawn and we could not reach them’. Asian youth created an alternative leadership and challenged traditionalists on issues such as the role of women and the role of the Mosque.
For the state, the militancy within the SAYM exemplified the growing alienation of Black youth from British society, which finally exploded in the riots of 1985. The 1981 riots wrote one commentator, was to transform the governmental approach to the situation. Pleas for more political opportunities for Black people into the received wisdom that the Black electorate should be more involved in Politics (Fitzgerald M, Black People and Party Politics in Britain, 1987). The authorities recognised that unless Black activists were given a political stake in the system, their frustration could threaten the stability of British cities.
'They were running scared,’ remembers Mohammed Nazir a member of SAYM involved in most of the campaigns over last two decades.
‘They were staring at a possibility of wide-scale riots and they were looking for people to talk to – Anyone, anywhere. They were desperate to contact the youth on the street and pulled people off the streets and pleaded with them and said: “come and talk to us”.
Regional & Local Council’s Head-Hunting Policies!
Within South Yorkshire, the former South Yorkshire County Council was taking “Urban Action” during the summer months. In other words, taking proactive action against any further riots by making funding available in the form of ‘riot’ money to divert militant action into leisure activities. Also, the Sheffield City Council’s Education Committee developed a strategy of drawing the new layer of activists into the mainstream after 1981 and 1985 riots (there were a few instances of copy-cat mini riots in Sheffield). The Education Department organised ‘consultation’ and wholemeal recruitment of Black youth workers and drew up equal opportunity policies, gave funding to Black community organisations and set up Race-Relation Units largely staffed by Black community leaders and not activists – as was the case in the Greater London Council (GLC) .
As the Black community leaders grew desperate on Council Grants and facilities, so many were drawn further into the local state machinery; militancy was transformed into political manoeuvrings. In Sheffield (South Yorkshire), Black activists from the Asian community – Sheffield AYM accepted some of the limited funding from the council in 1983-85 and were instrumental in helping Sheffield City Council to draw up action plan for an Asian Community Centre in the form of the Asian Youth Cultural Project (AYCP). The AYCP did not materialise due to the political expediency of the local state of deploying community leader in such projects and not activists. However, around late 1988 and early 1989, the ‘militant’ Asians were now replaced by ‘militant’ Muslims after the Rushdie Affair controversy. The Muslim leadership in Sheffield began to make political capital out of the outrage against Rushdie (Satanic Verses Controversy). For the Asian Activists from AYM, Sheffield (officially AYM folded up around mid 1987) and most were not in agreement with the PMC – which they knew would not be open and democratic.
The process of providing the Black community with a political stake in the system was more complex. The Sheffield City Council did not just have to deal with the youth but with mosques, too. And because Black politics had largely been conducted either through the mosques or on the streets, there was not the established secular leadership upon which the Council could draw. Although in Sheffield, the new intake of Black students from the Asian community were around and some sort of secular Asian leadership was available after the successful outcome of the Bradford 12 case, and which gained national prominence in 1981-82. Nonetheless, the local council from Sheffield began to ‘consult’ every Black organisation to forge links with the community. Specifically with local Asian youth workers and other key personalities. It ditched policies which most antagonised Muslims, such as refusing to give help and funding to mosques for becoming community centres.
Sheffield Council drew up GLC – style equal opportunity statements, established Race Relations Unit and began to fund Black organisations.
Significantly, it was the Sheffield Council which set up and funded the PMC in 1989-90 by seconding one their own Asian Council Officer from the then Department of Economic Enterprise & Development (DEED), to develop the old Woodbourn school site in Darnall. Later on, from the 1990s the council tried to unify the religious leadership in aftermath of the Rushdie Affair across the UK.
The Local Education Authority poured money into PMC and several key Mosques and other secular groups. The Labour Party played its part in this attempt to pacify the Asian community. From the late 80s and early 90s, New Labour groomed a new crop of Asian Councillors – first Black Councillor within Sheffield’s first Kashmiri Councillor within Sharrow/Nether Edge. ‘Labour went head-hunting’; says Nazir. This leadership came via the first-ever Black Councillor from the Asian Community in the 1980s.
Genuine & Principled Anti-Racism Post AYMs
As mentioned earlier, the AYM in Sheffield folded in mid 1987 and its broad-based alliance with Sheffield Defence Campaign (SDC) and the Anti-fascist network worked together and became a natural successor to AYM and led many anti-racist campaigns against the police, courts and the city council. The SDC proved to be a genuine and principled organisation which in later years became Anti-imperialist after – major disagreements around 1988-89 with fellow activists over the Rushdie Affair which impacted on the anti-racist struggle across the UK and has not recovered since.
The Council quangos won allegiance of some militants by funding pet projects – whilst some remained adamant at their own independence on state funding. This did not stop genuine anti-racist and anti-fascist activists from kicking the racist British National Party (BNP) from the Sheffield city centre on 27th February, 1988 – where Black and white anti-fascists turned out in force and were involved in a scuffle during which two known BNP members and one Sheffield Anti-Fascist Network (SAFN) member were arrested. Later on, the two BNP members were jailed and the SAFN member was found not guilty and acquitted. The Key group involved in this fight against Fascism and the subsequent Demonstration against Racist Attacks – was the SDC who in conjunction with the Asian Youth Centre – Sharrow (AYC) united under the banner Sharrow Action Committee against Racism & Fascism (SACARF). The local press and the police, including some local council spokespersons dubbed the proposed demonstration as anti-police. However, the seriousness of the racial attack against the city centre Asian Restaurant manager – who was left for dead by the unknown attackers (was lucky to be alive and was put on a life-support machine) in December 1988, the incident which had sparked the protest.
The historic National Demonstration from the Sharrow area to the Burngreave area in Sheffield on 11th February 1989 against racist attacks and fascism. Even, SCAR who usually wanted to lead such demonstrations supported the protest. One particular Black activist (former SAYM member) speaking on behalf of Sharrow Action Committee Against Racism & Fascism (SACARF) at the rally in Burngreave as reported in the local press, said:
“…we are no longer going to the council for crumbs to the council for funding…and we are setting up our own independent organisations…And Sheffield has a history of fighting back.” (Sheffield Star, Monday, 13th February 1989).
In the case of the GLC and to some extent Bradford AYM – financial dependence was turned into political support, as activists were drawn away from militant protest and into the Labour Party to protect their council financed jobs and organisations.
The creation of a Race Relations industry opened a new era in local politics. As mentioned earlier, the aftermath of the Rushdie Affair and almost within a month of the SACARF Demonstration on 11th February 1989 – Sheffield’s secular and religious leadership could not resist the opportunity and not to be outdone by the SDC and ex-AYM members and SACARF and organised a Anti-Rushdie Demonstration on 4th March 1989. The Sheffield Star leader read: “RUSHDIE: BIG CITY PROTEST – with a picture of the Marchers passing down Spital Hill towards the Wicker via the arches (pictures of the arches were recently beamed across the world during the Sheffield Floods on 25th June, 2007). The local press reported on the Rushdie protest: “…Mohammed Ismail spokesman for the ‘Moslem’ Action Committee of South Yorkshire told the rally the book should be banned. He added: This book is offensive not only to Islam but to followers of every faith.’
Ismail, was a secularist and not a religious leader and was accepted by the state and the council preferred to deal with him in the course of the Satanic verses Protest.
Nazir: continued…”there developed a mutual relationship between religious leaders, the secularists and the council. The religious leader delivered votes; the secular leaders delivered the money and ideology. And for the council it has meant a few years of relative peace on the streets…”
THE 1990s
Although he adds, this peace was shattered on 2nd May 1994 in Darnall, Sheffield. Almost fourteen year later, after the formation of the Sheffield AYM. On this occasion, the so called ‘Darnall riots occurred – when Asian and white youth clashed outside a local pub and majority of those who were arrested were Asians (including the son of the Darnall area Councillor – who himself become a councillor in 1995!). Once again, a Defence Campaign was set up by the people who were arrested. A public meeting was organised at PMC on 7th May 1994 and was attended by 500 people consisting predominantly of young and old Asian as well as numerous Afro-Caribbean, Yemeni, Somalian some member of other ethnic minority communities, all packed the halls to listen to the young men tell their stories of police brutality. The police representative attended the meeting and spoke briefly and left – due to the anger of the crowded meeting. The Darnall Defence Campaign (DDC) organised a Picket of the Attercliffe Police Station on May 16th 1994 at 6.30pm and a host of community groups, Trade Unions and Press were present at the well organised and peaceful picket and the DDC later became Darnall Unity Centre (DUC) and some DUC members formed a splinter group called Darnall Multi-Cultural Centre (DMUC) whose leading member is now a Councillor in Darnall. The PMC wholeheartedly supported DMUC along cast/sectarian line – due to Chair of PMC being from the same cast of the leading DMUC members. The PMC Chief Group Executive resigned in May, 1997 amid controversy. Who is currently a Labour MP in Dewsbury and hit the international headlines: after (allegedly being struck by a police shield at a anti-racist/fascist protest in Burnley, April 2001), supported DMUC. This now confirms the era in which the local politics were operating at that time of secular leaders delivering the money and ideology! After the Darnall riots of 1994, the state and local government via local MPs, Asian Race relations experts and local Businessman – the Darnall Review was conducted in 1995, by looking at the causes of the riots and the recommendations for future.
The neutralising of political militancy allowed the community leaders and the secularists within the PMC to reassert their dominance within the Asian community. As racism intensified through the Thatcher years, Asian bitterness had grown across Britain and more specifically in Sheffield with the issue of rate-capping of State Support Grant. It is significant the big protest of recent years have had a religious rather than political focus under the influence of the Mosques. The February 2003 anti-war demonstrations have had record number of Asians/Muslims organisations from Mosques – rather than the social political movements like the AYMs of 1970s and 1980s.
The different aspirations of the council, secular leaders, Mosques and the Labour Party could be managed within the race relations framework so along as each gained from the relationship. During the Thatcher years and rate-capping had upset the balance in 1986 (abolition of South Yorkshire County Council and its counterpart GLC in London) and brought out underlying tensions. Cut-backs in council spending provided the spark which panned the flames in the Satanic Verses Row (The Rushdie Affair).
In response, the Asian (Muslim) community in Sheffield seizes on the Rushdie Affair as a political lever against the council, the Labour Party and the secular leaders, to restore balance of power. The campaign for the PMC gained momentum and many the ex- AYM members and other non-reactionary forces argued for an Asian Centre and the religious and secular leaders succeeded in their campaign. Similarly, in Bradford, Muslim leaders sought to consolidate their position within the community by leading a popular Anti-Rushdie campaign. There were very few precious religious principles involved and the struggles within Sheffield or Bradford for that matter.
In 1984, the Bradford Council of Mosques campaigned against “fundamentalism” of Muslim Parents Association as a tactical move to increase its bargaining power. The Sheffield scenario was no different around 1999-2000, the religious and secular leaders adopted militancy to maintain that power. In the absence of a political movement in defence of Black rights, many progressive forces were critical of Rushdie and did have some genuine anger against the publication. On 27th May 1990, BBC TV, Everyman Programme entitled ‘Facing the Book’ revealed the true extent of the real hurt Rushdie had caused to the Muslim community. Although the religious anti-Rushdie protests in 1988-89 had been able to tap the deep anger among Asians (Muslims) about racism. The Labour party and the councils helped to destroy political militancy inside the Asian community.
The Mosques reaped the rewards and even now are in that position after 9/11 atrocities in 2001. The subsequent invasion(s) of Afghanistan in 2001 and defeat of the Taliban regime the invasion of Iraq 2003 by the allies. The recent anti-terror legislation mainly aimed against Muslims (as passed against the Irish through the Prevention of Terrorism Act). Even, after the 7/7 terror attacks on London, UK in 2005 and this coupled with the failed attacks on 20th July and the police shooting of and innocent Brazilian on the London Underground – who was suspected to be Muslim terrorist. However, it still remains to be seen what implications (if any) the very recent foiled suspected car bomb terror attacks in London and the suspected suicide car attack on Glasgow Airport on 29th June 2007.
‘A striking thing about the demos in the past, said Nazir, (is the number of young people)’. Many of them I recognise from the AYM campaigns like Zafar, Page Hall Three, Iqbal and Sheffield Five. They are the people I work with and I see at Asian weddings and Eid celebrations. They are not religious but in fact the racist violence and brutality they face every day and are looking for a way of expressing their identity; their anger’.
POST SEPTEMBER 11th, 2001 FACTOR
Locally, the Asian (Muslim) reaction to events of 11th September was succinctly stated by M H A Khan letter/statement sent to Sky news and published in the November Issue -17, in the Burngreave Messenger – Sheffield’s local area-based community newspaper:
“…To conclude, after the horrific events on 11th September, the image of Muslims as portrayed by the western press & media has been connected with terrorists and killing to the extent that the majority has accepted without any significant opposition, the passing of laws directed against Muslims and ever Muslim has become an object of doubt and suspicion…”
Nationally, the mainstream newspaper: The Daily Mirror – published a statement and which was endorsed by the Islamic Society of Britain (ISB) and other organisations & individuals and which also appeared in the November issue -17 of the Burngreave Messenger:
“…British people of all faiths – and of none – reacted with horror to the events of 11th September with which all communities in Britain responded shows we have the strength in our diversity. As we now move into the longer term we all have a responsibility to maintain this strength and to promote religious understanding…”
However, within the Asian News-media circles the analysis of the post 11/9 factor was that more Muslims were becoming alienated and radicalised due to the British government’s so called: “war on terror” was seen as war against Islam. The president of Young Muslims UK, Zahid Amin, expressed his concern after 9/11 in his short film on channel 4 in 2002, which revealed that Muslim youth were increasingly radicalised by the British government policies since 9/11. He (Zahid Amin) argued that more and more Muslims are seeing the “war on terror” as a war against Islam. Ironically, Sheffield has also been linked with terrorism and the death of a local Muslim through suicide in Iraq and the trial of Lamine Maroni (who lived in the Abbeydale area of Sheffield) in a German court with four other Algerians Muslims in April 2002. Lamine Maroni lived in Sheffield as an asylum seeker, during the run up to the planned attack in December 2000. The Sheffield Muslim terrorism connection was a contradiction in terms of the city having the highest reverts (converts) to Islam in the UK!
The other contradiction of the British government policy is that at the time they were trying urge Pakistan and India to make peace over the Kashmir issue, they themselves (Britain) were selling Hawk jets to the Indian government.
The Muslim leader’s threat to organise a boycott of politicians who do not back them had divided the Labour Party over the past 15 years and through which labour has created a political machine within the Black community to gain electoral advantage. Now after the Iraq War (mark 2), Labour is finding the same machine turned against it! The Muslim youth’s alienation was most strongly felt in the North of England in Oldham, Burnley and Bradford over six years ago. This also has had devastating electoral consequences with the election of BNP councillors in Burnley and Batley and with possibility of more BNP councillors in other northern towns.
The hypothesis of increased racism and fascism in the life-time of (essentially) any Labour government – since the 1960s and 70s the equation of right wing extremists being accommodated by the policies of the Thatcherism after the famous speech:
‘… rather swamped by different cultures…’
But the current Labour government has already suffered has consequence of a white-backlash and will be continue to be threatened with it in the near future.
Within Sheffield, the Liberal Democrat led council of 1999-2002 was attacked over the continued funding of the failing PMC centre. Also, on a general level, up and down the country many councils tried to implement their equal opportunity policies but this caused resentment within the white working class communities. The token policies did nothing to alleviate discrimination against the Black population. But they gave the impression that the council was favouring Muslims (Asians), and that the indigenous population had to make sacrifices. This inevitably intensified racial divisions. The Rushdie Affair (Satanic Verses Controversy), 9/11, 2001 war in Afghanistan, 2003 war in Iraq, 7/7 and the very recent failed bombings in London on 29th June 2007 and at Glasgow Airport on 30th June have brought things to a head and which will continue to unleash a new wave of racist violence and contribute to the electoral strategy of the BNP. In the United States of America, after 9/11 Sikhs were murdered because white Americans thought they were the ‘Taliban’ and in the UK Muslim women wearing the Hijab were physically attacked in London and elsewhere. Some labour councillors and MPS admitted – prior to Tony Blair’s recent departure as (Labour Leader and Prime minister on 27th June 2007,) and his decision for the war in Iraq has heightened racial and religious tensions and increased the possibility of more terror attacks in the UK and forced them into a corner. In 1993, increased racists attacks occurred in Darnall where the local white residents wrongly assumed that Asians were allocated better housing – and hence the riots occurred in May the following year. In reality, the white voters saw this as providing extra resources for Asians, while Asians did not perceive any appreciable difference. The issue cost the Labour Party a local seat in Darnall during May 1998 election. The sitting Asian councillor lost the seat to the Liberal democrats and (he was actually one of the DDC defendants in the aftermath of the 1994 riots in Darnall!).
The different responses of the three Sheffield MPs over the Iraq war in 2003 shows that labour had capitulated to the reactionary forces – on one side – the racists, on the other the religious leaders pandered to the militant Islam.
MP, David Blunkett, (ex-Home Secretary) and who was the Labour leader in the Sheffield City Council, during the early eighties, when he met the AYC representatives (later SAYM) and re-assured them of the Council’s support to combat racism. However, in recent times he has represented the Brightside Parliamentary seat which has the highest Asian population; has in fact shot himself in the foot over his right wing views/ideology on Asylum-seekers and segregation issues after the riots in Burnley and Bradford.
Whilst other Sheffield MP: Richard Caborn MP has tended to stay non-committal and Clive Betts MP has in recent years had his own problems around sleaze. He (Clive Betts) asked for a report into causes of the May 1994 Darnall riots and asked for the Darnall Review to be carried out. A few years ago, David Blunkett attended a Muslim Eid party at a local mosque in the Firth Park/Firvale area. This particular mosque was centre of internal struggles and warfare within the Muslim community in 1982 – with pitched battles between two groups of the congregation – that apparently belonged to a different cast – but belonged to the same religious faction. This particular mosque was split in half/middle by a partition – for almost four years in 1982-86! Yet members of the SAYM – who attended this mosque, warned the religious leaders at that time to stop fighting amongst themselves and fight the Fascist from the BNP. The leaders from the Mosque did not heed to this warning until a few years later via the Page-Hall Three campaign and one of the three defendants (was himself – the main culprit at the centre of the dispute at the Mosque).
CONCLUSIONS & FUTURE STRATEGY
The polarisation of the Sheffield’s Asian (Muslim) communities was not the result of the lack of understanding by the local state of the Black community cultures or the clash of cultures.
In reality, it was the product of racism – and the divisiveness of official ‘anti-racism’. Due to the absence of a genuinely militant and anti-racist movement – the reactionary elements on both sides had gained prominence at the time. The scenes of book-burning may have appeared as defending Black rights, racist bigots as champions of free speech.
Only those who are willing to challenge the religious and secular leaders in leading the militant struggle against inequality and injustice and to bridge that gap; which could divide us in Sheffield, in the future. Yet, during the watershed years of the Labour movement struggles by the Miners 1984-85 and which historically coincided the experience of the Sheffield AYM fight back, militancy and its pivotal role within the anti-racist and anti-fascist movements will serve as a barometer for future struggles to come. So, there is an urgent need to built bridges, more than ever.
MATLOUB HUSAYN ALI KHAN
15th February 2008.
DEDICATION
The following poem written by the Pakistani Poet, Mahmood Jamal around the 1980s is dedicated to all who were part of the struggle during this period and to the present day and is reproduced with kind permission of the author:
“REMEMBER”
By Mahmood Jamal
>Remember when you’re out walking
alone in the pale neon of his world
dragging tons of abuse
piled high upon your back.
>Remember, brother, when they leave you
stranded, like a gypsy at the gate
of their mansion, with a coin to comfort
their conscience.
>Remember, sister, when you’re so lonely
that you could tear down the walls
with your teeth and nails.
>Remember when you’re so angry
that you could burn
like a fire furiously erupting.
>Remember, when you can hear the laughter,
that demeaning piercing laughter
when the joke is on you and you feel
like crying.
>Remember, brother, when a child
undermines your confidence
by screaming at you the obscenities that newspapers
relish.
>Remember, remember
You are winning.
The Majority of the world,
Not their Minority.
© Meridian Communications & PR (MCPR)
